If Modi had got 350 or more seats, then Moditva would have completely replaced the RSS in Hindutva. Today, the Modi-Shah duo is not in a position to ignore any of their opinions or instructions, but now the RSS is facing other problems. Its plan to establish its dominance over politics and Hindu society through the Ram Mandir movement started by the RSS 35 years ago has been completed, but a strange set of obstacles has arisen in its plans to maintain and further strengthen this dominance. If these obstacles had been raised by the Left, Congressmen and regional forces, then there would have been no need to worry. The RSS has many strategies to deal with such problems. This is the work of such forces that follow Hindutva, which can be broadly classified as the friends and powers of the RSS. At most, the Sangh can only call them ‘unwise’, ‘unplanned’ and ‘unnecessary’. Despite the fact that Sarsanghchalak Mohan Bhagwat has called them ‘unacceptable’, they cannot be suppressed through the Modi or Yogi government. Neither can legal action be taken against them on the lines of ‘urban Naxals’ or ‘tukde-tukde gangs’ nor can any other ‘narrative’ be run against them. At present, the Sarsanghchalak is busy advising them. About two and a half years ago, he did the same thing by asking ‘why find a Shivling under every mosque’. Now, in the second round of advice, he has said that ‘it is not appropriate to spread hatred and enmity by raising new issues every day.’
The first problem in this matter is that the political technology that the Sangh had created to make the Ram Mandir movement a success cannot be stopped from being used by any non-Sangh Hindutva organization or individual. In the last three and a half decades, it was through this technology that the lion of majoritarianism was freed from the chains of democracy and pantheism (parity of all religions) and set free. Now everyone wants to ride this roaring lion, but the political situation has changed. There are governments at the Centre and in many states, not of the Congress, but of the BJP, established by the Sangh. Now a new Ram Janmabhoomi movement cannot be run. Once again, the new generation of Karsevaks cannot attack the Jama Masjid in Delhi and the Dargah in Ajmer. This will create a situation of civil war. There is a fear of cutting off the nose of the Modi government at the global level. However, it is impossible to repeat history. Therefore, now Mohan Bhagwat is remembering the generosity and acceptance of Hinduism. He has to be reminded that Christmas is celebrated in the Ramakrishna Mission.
The second problem is of practical politics. With the open encouragement of the BJP’s Uttar Pradesh government itself, the same political technology of Hindutva is being used openly in Sambhal in western Uttar Pradesh even today. If Western Uttar Pradesh is not Hinduized once again to quell the resentment under the Jat community’s farmer movement and the rise of castes, then the defeat that started with the 2022 assembly elections may reach the 2029 Lok Sabha elections. Therefore, Mohan Bhagwat is not ready to suggest to the Yogi government to stop the survey and excavation in Sambhal and the restoration of Sambhaleshwar Mahadev, which has been closed for 40 years.
The third problem is the innumerable Hindutva reactions to Mohan Bhagwat’s statement. Obviously, not all Hindutva activists are self-sevaks of the Sangh. Some statements written on a provocative right-wing account of ‘X’ (Twitter) (a supporter of the Modi government in almost every respect) provide a clear example of this: ‘Bhagwat ji… I appeal to you to only talk about yourself, do not talk about which temple Hindus should raise and which not. Ram temple was a faith and the Harihar temple in Sambhal has become necessary due to hatred? If you see the possibility of love for the enemy, then go for it. Open the doors of the house. What Hindus should do, what not, leave it to the Hindus themselves.’ This response is of a decent kind. Bhagwat ji is also receiving responses that are harshly challenging and rebuking.
The fourth problem associated with this is that this entire episode puts a big question mark on the Sangh’s claim to be the sole panch (leading leader) of Hindutva. When Bal Thackeray was alive, he used to challenge this monopoly of the Sangh. He took the credit for the demolition of the Babri Masjid at a time when Atal Bihari Vajpayee and LK Advani were also reluctant to take credit for it. At one time, even the Gorakhpeeth Mahant Avaidhanath and his successor Yogi Adityanath used to refuse to accept the line of the Sangh and the BJP. Even in the background of the successful developments of Hindutva, those actors of the Kalki Peeth can be seen who have no historical connection with the ranks of the Sangh. Just as once all people were socialists of some kind or the other, in the same way, most people are now starting to be Hindutvaists of some kind or the other.
The question is, how will the Sangh discipline these various new and old Hindutvas? It is becoming difficult to control the demons created by the Sangh in its factory of hate.
